9.03 Educational and Class Backgrounds
Everyone in the collective of this time had been through
higher education and several now teach part-time in further or higher
education. The class backgrounds were generally in the area of lower middle
class. This category can include people whose working class parents had worked
their way up the 'ladder' to middle class jobs (e.g. Jenet and Paul).
My
mother's father was a painter and decorator and in the warƒ I don't know if my
grandmother had a job, but anyway, they were respectable working class. I know
he had to go up ladders a lot, my granddadƒ My dad's father was a Clerk for
Imperial Tobacco andƒ I think his father was a cobbler and he kind of raised
himself (up) by going to evening classes and became a Clerk. (He) worked with
Imperial Tobacco and got free tobacco every week until the day he diedƒ My
dad's family were a little more posh than my mother's family. They had middle
class pretensions whereas my mum's family were ordinary - felt themselves to be
ordinary folk. (JT)
My
mother told me a couple of days ago, when I asked her this question, (that my)
mother's father was a builder and bricklayer. He didn't run his own company.
His wife, my grandmother, was a housewife. I think she had my mum when she was
quite young. She got married when she was about nineteen. On my father's side,
my granddad started off as an office boy in the Spanish equivalent of ICI. He
worked in that company his whole life and ended up being a director by the end
of it. (PT)
Lower middle class can also encompass people who
seemed to have a conventional middle class background but whose parents had
been relatively poor, (Duncan and Colette), or whose parents were in mixed
class marriages, (Duncan and Paul).
The
story is that on my father's side my father was brought up by his grandmother
while his mother worked and she was a single motherƒ (She) was secretary for
the theatre critic of the Daily Herald, the old labour paper and through being
secretary she'd meet loads of actorsƒ
Yeah, six kids in the family and we just kind of ran wild really because
there wasn't much you could do with us. And I just used to watch TV all the
time. (DR)
The pressures of being raised by a single parent,
(Paul and Colette) complicate this picture.
(My
mother) was a Secretary. And South Africa was really hard, because in South
Africa, when you are a single parent, with a child, then you are obviously a
whoreƒ So what my mother had to do was put me in boarding school. (CR)
Thomas Zagrosek is the only person with a
straightforwardly working class background.
I
just heard yesterday, because my uncle is visiting at the moment, that my
grandfather from my father's side was a social democrat who was shovelling coal
into a piece of machinery for about 30 years. Apparently he was incredibly
well-read, so if you for example visited a place like London then you could ask
him where to go, what to do and where to turn left and where to turn right and
he could tell you, even (though) he never left his little home town.
(Laughing). I was a hairdresser, I was learning the trade as a hairdresser - My
choice was of leading a normal life, getting a hairdresser's job, getting my
own shop eventually, or going abroad to study art. (TZ)
Caroline's class background
is ambiguous (lower middle Australian suburbanite) and shows the difficulty of
translating class labels across national boundaries.
By educational
achievement we might say the cultural class background tends to be lower middle
class but by their current economic status the group are all relatively poor
with low incomes.[1]
The relevance of
this is in relation to the oral nature of Exploding Cinema discourse, and to
demonstrate that the collective members, at this point, are not derived from an
elite class. I am defining this elite class as those people who are well read
and literary, that sends its children to private schools and then on to the top
universities. Working and lower middle class cultures tends to be more or less
oral cultures or at least to have an oral provenance. Nonetheless, a certain
proportion of these 'lower' classes do go to higher education and absorb, or at
least become conversant with the literary codes of the dominant classes.[2]
Although the collective
cannot be seen as working class with their often middle class parents and
tertiary education - they do have a heritage, which is working class a
generation or two back. Or their circumstances have meant that they have not
grown up enjoying the privileges one associates with a middle class upbringing.
If we assume that cultural
influences fade gradually over several generations we can see that the personnel
in the collective are in general weaned by 'the masses' rather than the elite.
And as such they share and are embedded in that mass culture
[1] None of the collective had children in the period of
this research, which perhaps helps with having more spare time and being able
to survive with little money. The economic situation of many of the core
collective was improving as I finished this thesis in 2002.
[2] Academic discourses on class identity and culture have
seen a recent revival. See Class,
edited by Patrick Joyce (Oxford UP 1995) for a general discussion. Cultural
Studies and the Working Class: subject to change, edited by Sally R. Munt (Cassell 2000) 'challenges
British cultural studies to return to questions of social class'. I also wrote The
Conspiracy of Good Taste (Working
Press 1993) which is substantially about the cultural dimension of class
identity.